For decades, Capitol Hill functioned through cross-party coalitions that traded policy concessions for infrastructure dollars or tax advantages. Drucker’s deep sourcing within House and Senate leadership offices highlights why this model no longer works.
Gerrymandered congressional maps have eliminated competitive general election territory in dozens of states. For roughly 85% of House districts, the real election occurs in the primary. Lawmakers calculate their political survival on minimizing threats from their ideological flank. When an incumbent sits down to negotiate with across-the-aisle colleagues, outside advocacy groups immediately mobilize. Millions of dollars in independent expenditures flood the district within days.
This reality explains why high-stakes fiscal deals stall for months. Leadership teams rely on short-term continuing resolutions and emergency omnibus vehicles because conventional regular-order budgeting exposes rank-and-file members to dangerous primary votes. Drucker has documented how committee gavels carry less institutional power than they did a decade ago. Lawmakers cultivate their own direct lines of fundraising through small-dollar donor platforms, insulating them from party discipline.
